The Treaty of Waitangi: Maori cultural identity and health

The Treaty of Waitangi is something that defines our country. It weaves through our

history, and is tangled through our present. In modern day New Zealand (NZ), the government and many of NZ's citizens are trying their best to tease out the tangles and the sticking points in the way this country approaches the Treaty, in the hope of reconciliation between the two key cultures of this country. The Treaty has played a huge part in our history and is promising to influence NZ for years to come, making it crucial for professionals and all NZ citizens to have a grasp of what the Treaty means for this country.

The purpose of this essay is to discuss two issues that are visible in present day NZ and make links back to the Treaty documents and the Treaty story. This will be followed by a reflection with reference to the concept of shalom (peace) on the effects of this understanding in my professional and personal life practice, and finally the key threads will be drawn together in the conclusion.

The first issue that will be discussed in this essay is the concept of the loss of Maori cultural identity. Over the years Maori culture has been overshadowed by western culture, and this is evident by the large percentage of Maori throughout NZ who have little to no connection to their cultural heritage. A number of things have contributed to this watering down of culture and an attempt will be made to bring the key ideas to light.

Firstly, the urbanisation of Maori has played a huge part in this cultural decline. Today, approximately 84% of Maori live in urban areas, and while some continue to associate with their whanau (family) at home, in 2001 one in five Maori did not know their tribal connections (Meredith, 2012). Many Maori moved into urban areas in search of work and as the migration continued, the government began to develop a policy in the 1960's around integration, essentially aiming to assimilate Maori into a monolingual, monocultural society "where differences are gradually diminishing" (Booth & Hunn, 1962, p.8).

Secondly, this loss of culture was intensified because of the disconnection from the whanau groups. Within the cities, the predominantly young Maori people had no extended family to fall back on and this eventually led to unemployment, loneliness and antisocial behaviour that sadly have become some of the social stereotypes of Maori until this day (Sharples, 2001; Meredith, 2012). As more generation widened the separation between those living in the cities, and those 'back home', more of the culture was lost as children who looked Maori were growing up without guidance on tikanga (the right way to do things). te reo (the language), and everything that was part of being Maori. This is essentially the country that we live in today.

The English version of the Treaty promised specifically that Maori would have 'full exclusive and undisturbed possession of their lands...' and their treasures (taonga) (State Services Commission, 2005, p. 11). This land was essential to the Maori way of life; it was part of who they were, and provided for their families, Some Maori had made the decision to sell their land, but as their understanding of what this actually meant grew, the land sales gradually stopped. After the Waikato War, in 1863, the government passed the NZ Settlements Act which allowed the confiscation of land from 'rebels' (Graham, 1997). This was used throughout the country, even against hapu (tribal groups) who hadn't taken part in the war, and approximately 1,200,000 acres of Waikato land alone were taken under this excuse. This is directly going against the Treaty, and while attempts have been made to rectify these grievances, it is essentially an issue which is impossible to fully repay (Graham, 1997).

This loss of land added to the loss of Maori identity because this land had great cultural and spiritual importance and the loss of this, willingly or unwillingly, was effectively severing the "link to the past" (Graham, 1997, p. 35). Also, less land meant less space for people to live together in their traditional hapu groups and this contributed to the urbanisation of the culture.

Also, the Treaty promised Maori the right to rangatiratanga or authority, especially the right to govern their own affairs, and maintain themselves as a unique and distinct people. As this idea of rangatiratanga began to shrivel, policies like the one on integration, have been allowed to be enacted, further encouraging the decline of Maori culture (Graham, 1997).

The second issue that will be discussed in this essay is Maori health. According to the Ministry of Health (2013) "Maori on average have the poorest health status of any ethnic group in NZ" (p. 1). Maori adults have a higher risk of contracting a number of different health conditions, from heart disease to diabetes. A recent study said that cost prevented near one quarter of Maori's from seeking health care and 13% wouldn't pick up a prescription due to the cost (Ministry of Health, 2012).

In response to this a strategist plan called 'He Korowai Oranga' was set in motion. It's aim is to support whanau to achieve their maximum health and well being. This is a key realisation by the government; whanau plays a central role in the well being of Maori, both as a people group and as individuals. This strategic plan is asking the health and disability sectors to "recognise the interdependence of people" and to realise the importance of working with people in their context, not seeing them and their community as two separate entities. They were beginning to understand that the Maori way of seeing the world may be different than the traditional western way (Ministry of Health, 2002).

There have been a number of Maori health models that have been developed but the essay will touch on two today. Te Whare Tapa Wha represents holistic health as the four walls of a house, each represented by one element: physical health, spiritual health, family health and mental health. According to the Ministry of Health, Maori are most commonly deficient in the area of spiritual health (Ministry of Health. 2012).

Another health model, Te Pae Mahutonga has represented some key ideas for promoting better health as cultural identity, physical environment, healthy lifestyles and participation in society. It goes even further to recognise the importance of community leadership, and autonomy, in regards to health as well (Ministry of Health, 2012).

It is interesting to note that some of the key attributes in Te Pae Mahutonga are cultural identity, community leadership, and autonomy. As explained in detail earlier, Maori have had a massive loss of their cultural identity in the days between the Treaty and the present and this appears to connect into the current health situation.

As mentioned above, the Treaty also offered rangatiratanga or the right to govern their own affairs as a people. As is shown through the health models, community leadership and autonomy have much larger affects than a simple loss of political power. There is a direct correlation between both of these and the holistic health of Maori as a collective whole. Consistently throughout the years the government had clearly gone against this idea of rangatiratanga, confiscating land in the 1860's, reducing access to fishing grounds from the 1860's to the present, and introducing thinly veiled attempts at assimilation, further contributing to this poor state of Maori health (Graham, 1997; Ministry of Health, 2012. Orange, 2004).

Poverty of luck of funds was also another contributing factor in Maori not seeking medical help. In the Treaty of Waitangi in Article 2 it speaks about "undisturbed possession" (State Services Commission, 2005, p. 11) of lands, estates, forests and fisheries. Without even speaking about the loss of land and therefore loss of economic base, there are numerous accounts of Maori losing their rights to traditional fishing grounds, which were another source of income and personal nutrition. Even the early Europeans believed in the importance of fisheries to Maori, and yet these fishing grounds have been left vulnerable because they were agreed upon with no official legal guarantees (Orange, 2004), and were eventually barely recognised by the average New Zealander.

Also, the third article of the Treaty grants Maori all the rights and privileges of British subjects, and ensures their protection. Only recently have these rights in regard to health begun to be recognised. The government appears to be making real efforts to improve Maori health and to understand it from the traditional Maori world view, recognising the need for Maori health providers and even acknowledging Rongoa Maori (traditional Maori healing) resulting in positive changes to overall Maori health taking place (Ministry of Health, 2012; Ministry of Health, 2012).

In the next section of the essay the connection between the concept of shalom and my own learnings will be explored. Shalom is a Hebrew word meaning wholeness or peace. When applied to this context I believe it connects strongly with the need to actively seek out this peace or wholeness and to work towards it in those around us. Both the idea of aiming to foster a sense of identity in an individual, and the goal of improved overall health for Maori are things that are central to me in my professions of teaching and counselling.

I have gained many understandings, and seen links clearer than I ever have before. I had never truly realised why Maori were contesting the foreshore and seabed issue and I had a flash of understanding as I read the Treaty carefully. Also, the realisation that holistic health principles were directly affected by the Treaty has made me understand how the Treaty is something that is actually relevant in my own personal life as a NZ Maori, the lives of others and my professional practice.

The issue of identity is one that connects very deeply with me, and this is one of the key reasons that I chose to work with children; I want them to grow in their understanding of who they are, and gain a sense of agency in their lives. Now that I have caught a glimpse of this from a traditional Maori perspective, and grasped the holistic health principles, I can see how I can utilise this in my daily encounters. Another learning that specifically connected with me was the fact that in our classes at Bethlehem Tertiary Institute we have been applying Te Whare Tapa Wha to our own lives. I had never realised it was actually a health model particularly designed for Maori (despite the name being in Te Reo) and now that I see that, it has led to a much greater understanding of the concept. The fact that this is becoming commonplace for me will also make it much easier to use in a professional setting.

Along with all these learning I have also made a greater realisation of my role, and my responsibility as a NZ citizen. If I live in this country I feel that it is my personal duty to understand where this country has come from, and the grievances that haunt our past. I feel that unless I can understand our history, there is no hope of me being a genuine force of any sort of change in this country's future.

In conclusion this essay has discussed the issues of loss of Maori cultural identity and Maori health, and connections have been made to the Treaty documents and the story surrounding it. Reflections have been made around my own learning and the relevance of this to the concept of shalom.

This essay has not only provided an opportunity for others to understand more about these issues, it has granted me the chance to understand more about myself, both as a teacher/counsellor and as a NZ citizen. It has made me realise that despite the grievances of our past, positive advances are being made, further drawing us towards a state of unity while maintaining the unique cultural flavours that are the lifeblood of our country.

References

Booth, J. M. & Hunn, J. K. (1962). Integration of MAori and Pakeha (Special Studies No. 1). Wellington: Department of Maori Affairs

Graham, D. (1997). Trick of Treaty? Wellington: Institute of Policy Studies.

Meredith, P. (2012). Ubran Maori: Urbanisation. Retrieved from http://www.TeAra.govt.nz/en/urban-maori/page-1

Ministry of Health. (2002). He Korowai Oranga: Maori Health Strategy. Wellington: Ministry of Health

Ministry of Health. (2012). Maori health models- Te Pae Mahutonga. Retrieved from http://www.health.govt.nz/our-work/populations/maori-health/maori-health-models/maori-health-models-te-whare-tapa-wha

Ministry of Health. (2012). Rongoa Maori- Traditional maori healing. Retrieved from http://www.health.govt.nz/our-work/populations/maori-health/rongoa-maori-traditional-maori-healing

Ministry of Health. (2012). The Health of New Zealand Adults 2011/2012: Key findings of the New Zealand Health Survey. Wellington: Ministry of Health.

Ministry of Health. (2013). Maori Health. Retrieved from http://www.health.govt.nz/our-work/populations/maori-health

Orange, C. (2004). Te Whanau: a celebration of Te Whanau o Waipareira. Watakere City: Te Whanau o Waipareira.

State Services Commission. (2005). All about the Treaty. Wellington: State Services Commission.

Title image: Maori at Akaroa, circa 1930, Christchurch, by WS Baverstock. Purchased 1999 with New Zealand Lottery Grants Board funds. Te Papa (O.020613)